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It was founded by the young government of Syria to restore the calm in a country broken in about 14 years. Instead, the committee for bourgeois peace has become a source of a national dispute.
The dissatisfaction cooks among some Syrians who have supported the uprising against the displaced dictator of the country, Bashar al-Assad. They now accuse the rebel leaders who have overthrown him to enable a committee to hold the internal divisions into account at the expense of the remains of the old regime.
The public outrage exploded during the Muslim festival of Eid al-Adha in early June when the committee released dozens of former regime soldiers and said they were not involved in any crimes. Critics are now calling for protests.
“Whatever has been waiting for the punishment of those who have committed war crimes to see that the transition justice takes place,” said Rami Abdelhaq, an activist who supported the anti-assad-revolt. “Instead, we are shocked to discover that there is a publication of many people.”
The Peace Committee was formed according to the large murders of minority alawites, the sect to which Mr. al-Assad belongs. During power, the President Alawites had made his armed backbones back, who fought to crush the rebellion undermined by the Sunni Muslim majority.
After a thwarted control of former regime soldiers in a region along the Mediterranean coast, the supporters of the armed government killed hundreds of alawite civilians, according to human rights groups.
The committee says that it is working to de -escalate tensions with Syrian minorities. But debates about their purpose focused on the central question in Syria about the Assad: How to achieve justice and reconciliation in a population that enabled decades of violent repression.
According to rights, more than 600,000 people were killed on all sides in the war, while tens of thousands were tortured and imprisoned. Thousands that have disappeared into Mr. Al-Assad’s prison stations still miss today.
The victims of the Assad regime require a transitional legal process to keep the crimes behind.
For some who lived under Mr. Al-Assad’s rule, in particular the Alawites, the murders on March on the coast consolidated the fears of bloody citizenship justice.
The Peace Committee says that it aims to promote social cohesion that is necessary for the way the transitional judiciary works-and it has shown the willingness to work with former regime numbers to promote local buy-in.
For months, the collaboration of the committee with Fadi Saqr, an Alawit, which once criticizes the national defense forces, a pro-assadic paramilitary violence, in Damascus, the capital.
On Tuesday, the committee stopped a press conference to explain its work and try to calm the tensions. Instead, the group triggered a whirlpool.
Followers of the anti-assadic revolt accused the committee of allowing war criminals to flee the judiciary, and demanded that Mr. Saqr contribute to localize graves of the missing person.
Critics are particularly outraged by Mr. Saqr’s participation because they say massacre From civilians in the Tadamon district of Damascus in 2013 and the brutal siege of rebel suburbs of the city during the war.
Mr. Saqr denies the responsibility and said he was appointed to lead the militia to Tadamon after the massacre, and informed the New York Times in a statement that he had not received an amnesty from the government.
“The state was clear with me right from the start: if the Interior Ministry had any evidence against me, I would not work with them today,” he said. “I will submit to the judiciary that decides the judiciary,” he added under “reasonable legal procedures”.
Hassan Soufan, a former rebel leader and member of the Peace Committee, recognized the “pain of the public and the justified anger” about Mr. Saqr’s former militia role, but praised his work with the committee.
“In the context of national reconciliation, we are sometimes forced to make decisions, prevent escalation and violence and ensure relative stability in the next phase,” he said.
The government looks like an explosive national dynamic on all sides.
Rachemords in Syria are now widespread, say human rights activists, such as the residents of Lists of former regimes, which are accused due to crimes on alleys and mysterious, and mysterious Citizens’ groups Verwärd to hunt suspects.
In Alawites, which are still anxious and angry after the mass murders on the coast, there are constant rumors that armed uprisings are planned against the new government. This is annoying local guide who try to keep peace.
Nour al-Din al-Baba, the spokesman for the Syrian Ministry of the Interior, said the sheer size of the former regime and paramilitary forces to 800,000 people made it impossible to blame everyone.
Mr. Saqr said, his background, not only as an Alawit, but as a commander of the Milit regime, gave him the credibility of convincing former regime supporters not to avert the new government of Syria.
But the central question remains: “Will the public of the revolution accept it as a partner at home?” he said. “The name Fadi Saqr is a test whether coexistence between the two sides of the conflict is possible.”
Muhammad Haj Kadour And Hwaida Saad Reported reports.